{"id":147391,"date":"2026-03-08T09:26:36","date_gmt":"2026-03-08T07:26:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eu4moldova.eu\/?p=147391"},"modified":"2026-03-09T15:02:02","modified_gmt":"2026-03-09T13:02:02","slug":"disinformation-crash-course-1-the-narratives","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/eu4moldova.eu\/en\/disinformation-crash-course-1-the-narratives\/","title":{"rendered":"Disinformation Crash Course 1#: The Narratives"},"content":{"rendered":"
In 2020 the European Commission defined disinformation<\/a> as \u201cfalse or misleading content that is spread with an intention to deceive or secure economic or political gain and which may cause public harm\u201d.<\/div>\n

But what do we mean when we talk about a disinformation <\/strong>narrative<\/em><\/strong>? These can be defined as stories<\/strong> aimed at specific groups which contain messages that maliciously aim to influence<\/strong> the way people respond to different events.<\/p>\n

All Eastern Neighbourhood countries were once part of the Soviet Union and since its fall in 1991, Russia has sought to keep them within its own geopolitical sphere with the Kremlin simultaneously wielding disinformation as a weapon against EU alignment.<\/p>\n

By understanding the narratives targeting the EU\u2019s Eastern partners and states beyond, we can begin to comprehend the roots of disinformation and how exactly the accounts are spun to make them logical and appealing to the target audiences.<\/p>\n

This is the first article in a series of three blog posts on disinformation.<\/p>\n

Imperialism<\/strong><\/p>\n

Russian state and media discourse have often tried to impose an identity rooted in imperial narratives such as the Slavic Triune myth. There Russia, Ukraine and Belarus are seen as \u2018brother nations\u2019 whose fate is to unite under a pan-Russian banner. This reduction of Ukrainian and Belarusian identity to mere branches of the Russian civilisation has been used to justify the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The notion of a common destiny going back centuries was also present during the formation of the Russia-Belarus Union State in 1997.<\/p>\n

This is not a new phenomenon \u2013 during both the Tsarist and Soviet periods, the authorities imposed Russian as a lingua franca<\/em> in administration, education and religious life in all states within its orbit. Any expression of other cultural or linguistic belonging was treated as a threat to unity. Laws such as the Ems Decree of 1876 banned almost all printing in Ukrainian, whilst in 1933 Belarusian was morphed into the so-called narkama\u016dka<\/em> (Belarusian: \u043d\u0430\u0440\u043a\u0430\u043c\u0430\u045e\u043a\u0430) to bring it grammatically closer to Russian. Even now these languages are still often presented as dialects of Russian or their existence is simply denied.<\/p>\n

Traditional values<\/strong><\/p>\n

In many Eastern partner countries, the Orthodox Church is instrumental in spreading narratives that EU membership is incompatible with local values. Very often \u2018local values\u2019 are interpreted simply as conservative views. And since they are held by significant parts of the population, it is easy for disinformation to scare citizens into thinking that their \u2018cultural identity\u2019 will have to be compromised.<\/p>\n

Pro-Western President Maia Sandu was framed by her political opponents as the antithesis of Moldova\u2019s traditional family structure, as she is an unmarried woman with no children. Deepfakes of Sandu closing churches, changing her gender and organising gay parades further played on fears across conservative communities that the EU sought to \u201cimpose homosexuality\u201d.<\/p>\n

State-aligned narratives present the dynamics between traditional values and EU integration as a battle between \u2018good\u2019 and \u2018evil\u2019. Support for \u201cmorally corrupt\u201d Western liberalism is placed in the latter category. Meanwhile, the different branches of the Orthodox Church which champion social conservatism fall into the former. This dichotomous rhetoric was used as propaganda against Euromaidan and during the full-scale invasion of Ukraine to justify military and political interference. Similarly in the 2024 Georgian elections, it was used to influence voting behaviour.<\/p>\n

Western conspiracies<\/strong><\/p>\n

Many anti-Western narratives associated with EU cooperation can be traced back to the fall of the USSR. The collapse of the Soviet Union happened almost overnight and many saw this as the loss of a \u201cgreat past\u201d. So when narratives started going around about a Western-backed conspiracy designed to destroy Russia and the Eastern bloc, many people finally received an explanation which helped them to make sense of their new reality. This is why many still regard alignment with the EU (viewed as an extension of \u2018the collective West\u2019) as treacherous.<\/p>\n

A particularly widespread claim is that the EU and the United States are responsible for supporting \u201ccolour revolutions\u201d e.g., Euromaidan in 2014 and the 2020-21 Belarusian protests, with the aim of destabilising Russia and pulling away countries from its perceived sphere of influence. This is why pro-Kremlin officials dubbed Ukraine a \u2018puppet state\u2019 and accuse governments of \u201cfollowing an agenda imposed from abroad\u201d.<\/p>\n

Since the start of the full-scale Invasion of Ukraine in 2022, disinformation campaigns have also begun more to aggressively assert the presence of security risks with EU integration. One such narrative that has gained momentum is the \u2018Second Front Conspiracy\u2019. It states that the West is trying to incite war in countries like Georgia with the goal of militarily destabilising Russia and relieving pressure from Ukraine. By selling narratives of government bodies who place external (Western) interests above national ones, Moscow is presented as their \u201conly reliable protector\u201d. In this way, the Kremlin maintains considerable influence over its former regions.<\/p>\n

Nowadays, escaping disinformation seems almost impossible. With so many narratives on so many different subjects resting their hand over Europe, the Eastern partner countries and beyond, it\u2019s easy to get caught up in stories spun from people\u2019s sensitivities. However, one thing these narratives all have in common is how they have managed to convince the masses that we are living in a world divided in camps. The East and the West. It may sometimes feel as if any attempt to have a conversation about disinformation turns into bouts of whataboutism sparring matches.<\/p>\n

But polarisation has a very sneaky way of making us forget that the ultimate reference point in any nation\u2019s debate is the will of its citizens. And here we must ask, are we all being guaranteed the right to reliable sources of information ? Should it not be a priority to ensure a free-thinking population?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Perhaps it is through championing education and critical thinking that change will be driven in the direction of guaranteed human dignity and the hopes for a better future.<\/p>\n

External links and sources:<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Failure of the Language Policy in Belarus<\/em>, Yuliya Brel https:\/\/udspace.udel.edu\/server\/api\/core\/bitstreams\/cc6e1c77-7ece-4cc8-90e2-3156f39c1c7a\/content<\/a><\/p>\n

Geopolitical Narratives on Belarus in Contemporary Russia<\/em>, Ian Klinke https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/23616092<\/a><\/p>\n

The Propaganda of Deepening Belarusian-Russian Integration in the Pro-Russian Internet Media of Belarus<\/em>, Taras Poloviy https:\/\/www.studiapolitologiczne.pl\/pdf-145018-70558?filename=The-Propaganda-of-Deepeni.pdf<\/a> [in Russian]<\/p>\n

Belarusian Identity: the Impact of Lukashenka\u2019s Rule<\/em>, Vadzim Smok https:\/\/belarusdigest.com\/papers\/belarusianidentity.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Belarus: At a Crossroads in History<\/em>, Jan Zaprudnik https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/belarusatcrossro00zapr\/mode\/2up<\/a><\/p>\n

Pro-Russian Disinformation Narratives in Georgia Since Russia\u2019s Full-scale Invasion of Ukraine<\/em>, Tatia Chikhladze and Shota Shiukashvili https:\/\/www.ssoar.info\/ssoar\/bitstream\/handle\/document\/94107\/ssoar-caucasusad-2023-135-chikhladze_et_al-Pro-Russian_Disinformation_Narratives_in_Georgia.pdf?sequence=1&lnkname=ssoar-caucasusad-2023-135-chikhladze_et_al-Pro-Russian_Disinformation_Narratives_in_Georgia.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Russian Anti-Western Disinformation, Media Consumption and Public Opinion in Georgia<\/em>, Ralph S. Clem, Erik S. Herron, Ani Tepnadze https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/publication\/372671125_Russian_Anti-Western_Disinformation_Media_Consumption_and_Public_Opinion_in_Georgia<\/a><\/p>\n

Russian Propaganda Narratives in Georgia<\/em>, Sergi Kapanadze https:\/\/politicsgeo.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/08\/Russian-Propaganda-Narratives-in-Georgia-Sergi-Kapanadze.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Soviet Language Policy in Georgian Culture<\/em>, Irine Chachanidze https:\/\/discovery.ucl.ac.uk\/id\/eprint\/10206639\/1\/Chachanidze_paper9.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Rise of Nationalist Populism in Georgia<\/em>, Bidzina Lebanidze https:\/\/gip.ge\/publication-post\/rise-of-nationalist-populism-in-georgia-implications-for-european-integration\/<\/a><\/p>\n

The \u201cGlobal War Party\u201d populist conspiracy in Georgia: origins and framework<\/em>, Sandro Tabatadze and Nika Gigauri https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/25739638.2025.2593453<\/a><\/p>\n

Russian Narratives and Resilience to Disinformation in Moldova<\/em> (in \u201cRussian Analytical Digest\u201d)<\/em>, Denis Cenusa https:\/\/www.research-collection.ethz.ch\/entities\/publication\/37f1657b-6ea0-4026-9a32-d61320c82654<\/a><\/p>\n

Dismiss, Distort, Distract, Dismay: the Civil Society in Moldova in the Face of Disinformatio<\/em>n, Roxana-Maria Nistor and Andreea-Irina Stretea https:\/\/ojs.mtak.hu\/index.php\/civilszemle\/article\/view\/17546<\/a><\/p>\n

Russian Disinformation on Social Media: Uncovering Narratives in Moldova Since the 2022 Onset of the War in Ukraine<\/em>, Nina Alexandra Schoenbaechler https:\/\/dspace.cuni.cz\/handle\/20.500.11956\/195232<\/a><\/p>\n

Language, Ethnicity and Political Preferences (in \u201cMoldovan Analytical Digest\u201d)<\/em>, Eleanor Knott, Margherita Gobbat, Maxim Slav https:\/\/css.ethz.ch\/content\/dam\/ethz\/special-interest\/gess\/cis\/center-for-securities-studies\/pdfs\/moldovananalyticaldigest-003.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

(Pro)-Russian (dis)information in Moldova: eroding vertical trust in Sandu and the PAS government ?<\/em>, Elena Simanschi https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/14782804.2025.2500389<\/a><\/p>\n

Colonization of minds: Ukraine between Russian colonialism and Western Orientalism<\/em>, Galyna Kotliuk https:\/\/www.frontiersin.org\/journals\/sociology\/articles\/10.3389\/fsoc.2023.1206320\/full<\/a><\/p>\n

Imperial nationalism as the driver behind Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine<\/em>, Taras Kuzio https:\/\/scispace.com\/pdf\/imperial-nationalism-as-the-driver-behind-russia-s-invasion-yd35fcyx26.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Ukraine and Russia: Legacies of the Imperial past and Competing Memories<\/em>, Andreas Kappeler https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/publication\/262384747_Ukraine_and_Russia_Legacies_of_the_Imperial_past_and_Competing_Memories<\/a><\/p>\n

Conspiracy Theories in Post-Soviet Russia<\/em>, Ilya Yablokov https:\/\/eprints.whiterose.ac.uk\/id\/eprint\/181498\/1\/Yablokov%20Conspiracy%20theories%20in%20post-Soviet%20Russia%20Chapter%2024%20pre-print.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Forward, into the past! Russia\u2019s politics of memory in the service of \u2018eternal\u2019 authoritarianism<\/em>, Maria Doma\u0144ska and Jadwiga Rogo\u017ca https:\/\/www.osw.waw.pl\/en\/publikacje\/osw-report\/2021-11-22\/forward-past<\/a><\/p>\n

Potemkin conservatism. An ideological tool of the Kremlin<\/em>, Witold Rodkiewicz and Jadwiga Rogo\u017ca https:\/\/www.osw.waw.pl\/en\/publikacje\/point-view\/2015-02-03\/potemkin-conservatism-ideological-tool-kremlin<\/a><\/p>\n

The post Disinformation Crash Course 1#: The Narratives<\/a> appeared first on EU NEIGHBOURS east<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In 2020 the European Commission defined disinformation as \u201cfalse or misleading content that is spread with an intention to deceive or secure economic or political gain and which may cause public harm\u201d.  But what do we mean when we talk about a disinformation narrative? These can be defined as stories aimed at specific groups which contain messages that maliciously aim to influence the way people respond to different events.   All Eastern Neighbourhood countries were once part of the Soviet Union and since its fall in 1991, Russia has sought to keep them within its own geopolitical sphere with the Kremlin<\/p>\n

The post Disinformation Crash Course 1#: The Narratives<\/a> appeared first on EU NEIGHBOURS east<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":147496,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1892,5],"tags":[],"topics":[],"class_list":["post-147391","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-featured-news","category-news"],"acf":{"event_start_date":null,"event_end_date":null},"yoast_head":"\nDisinformation Crash Course 1#: The Narratives - EU for Moldova<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Disinformation Crash Course 1#: The Narratives\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/eu4moldova.eu\/en\/disinformation-crash-course-1-the-narratives\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Disinformation Crash Course 1#: The Narratives - 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